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Title
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1969 Boston Response
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'A Ripple' In Vietnam
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS,
October 16, 1969
Subject
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October 16, 1969
Description
An account of the resource
<strong>'A Ripple' In Vietnam </strong><br /><strong>By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS,</strong><br /><strong>October 16, 1969</strong> <br /><br />SAIGON-The nation-wide anti-war demonstration in the United States caused a ripple but apparently no waves Wednesday among the half-million American troops whose presence in South Vietnam was at issue in the Moratorium Day protest. The only battlefield protest reported was the wearing of black armbands by members of a platoon of U.S. infantrymen on patrol near Chu Lai, some 360 miles northeast of Saigon. There was no way of knowing immediately, however, if there were similar anti-war expressions by other GIs scattered throughout the country. Associated Press photographer Charles Ryan said more than half of the 30 men in one American Division platoon wore the anti-war armbands and the platoon leader, 1st Lt. Jesse Rosen of New York City, told him: "It's just my way of silently protesting. Personally, I think the demonstrating should go on until President Nixon gets the idea that every American should be pulled out of here now." Earlier in the day. Rosen's men had killed two Viet Cong, one a woman armed with a Chinese-made rifle. Four troopers in an adjoining platoon were wounded by a grenade booby trap. A group of 20 American civilians assembled at the U.S. Embassy to deliver a petition with 32 signatures calling for the immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Vietnam. Four demonstrators were received by Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, and a spokesman said Bunker agreed to transmit their one-paragraph petition to Nixon. Gen. Creighton W. Abrams, commander of American forces in Vietnam, said he did not expect the anti-war moratorium to make any difference on the battlefield. He spoke briefly with newsmen at Tan Son Nhut airfield where he was given a resolution passed by the Mississippi Legislature praising American troops in Vietnam for "the sacrifices they have made and are making in behalf of their country."
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1969/10/16/a-ripple-in-vietnam-psaigon-the-nation-wide/" target="_blank">'A Ripple' In Vietnam</a>
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Title
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1967 Boston Response
(Includes earlier dates)
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/about/permissions/" target="_blank">The Harvard Crimson Right and Permissions </a>
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English
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Primary
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Title
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"Negro Veterans"
Display Ad 240 -- No Title, pg. C19
Boston Globe
Feb 19, 1967
Subject
The topic of the resource
Civil Rights and Vietnam
Description
An account of the resource
Display Ad 240 -- No Title
Boston Globe (1960-1982); Feb 19, 1967; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Boston Globe (1872-1982) pg. C19
“RACE RIOTS. Negro veterans who hav risked their lives for their country in the Vietnam jungles are beginning to come home. They are in no mood to be pushed around by white landlords. Television has also brought a picture of a better world into the Negro ghettos. And the people of the slums, like the middle classes at who the commercials are beamed, want what they see. There is small chance that their demands can be met. Moderate Negro leaders are urging their people to stay out of the streets and bring their grievances to the conference table. But privately, they fear it may not be possible to head off further race violence.”
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Boston Globe
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Context
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“The Tonkin Gulf Incident.”
Johnson, Lyndon Baines.
August 5, 1964.
PBS.
Description
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Johnson requests (and two days later receives) Congressional approval for taking whichever actions he sees fit in order to thwart North Vietnamese Aggression.
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<a href="http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/primary-resources/lbj-tonkin" target="_blank">Link to Speech</a><br /><br /> Johnson, Lyndon Baines. “The Tonkin Gulf Incident.” August 5, 1964. PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/primary-resources/lbj-tonkin/ (accessed October 31, 2014).
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Title
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1967 Boston Response
(Includes earlier dates)
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/about/permissions/" target="_blank">The Harvard Crimson Right and Permissions </a>
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English
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Primary
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<< FIND DATE >>Ad in Boston Globe to Sell Car because off to Vietnam
Subject
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Affect on Daily Life
Description
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Classified Ads
people going into the service and have to sell their things
“GOING Into Service — 1962 Olds. 4-de, hardtop, 58,000 mi., $795 or make offer. EX 6-1159.”
“GOING to Vietnam, must sell 1966 Corvette Stingray, still on warranty, Call 444-26665,
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<a href="http://search.proquest.com.ezproxy.bu.edu/hnpnewyorkbostonglobe/index?accountid=9676">Boston Globe Archives</a>
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Boston Globe <br />Boston University Libraries and Databases
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Title
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1969 Boston Response
Dublin Core
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Subject
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University Protests
Description
An account of the resource
300 Storm Pusey's House After Anti-ROTC Meeting
By WILLIAM R. GALEOTA, April 9, 1969
[text below]
An estimated 300 anti-ROTC demonstrators forced their way onto the grounds of President Pusey's Quincy Street house at midnight yesterday to tack onto Pusey's front door a list of six demands concerning ROTC and Harvard's relations with local communities.
The action came after a four-hour meeting sponsored by SDS during which a proposal to occupy University Hall immediately was three times defeated by narrow margins.
The demonstrators will hold a rally at noon today in front of Memorial Church to discuss--and perhaps to initiate at that time "militant action" for the acceptance of the demands. The militant action is understood to be the occupation of a building, and perhaps a student strike.
Dean Ford said last night, "I have never heard of anyone seizing a building here, so I have no particular comment to make now." Neither Pusey nor Dean Glimp was available for comment.
The six demands of the demonstrators are:
* "Abolish ROTC immediately by breaking all existing ROTC contracts and not entering into any new ones.
* "Replace all ROTC scholarships with University scholarships.
* Restore all scholarships to the Paine Hall demonstrators.
* "Roll back rents in Harvard University-owned buildings to the level of January 1, 1968.
* "No destruction of black workers' homes around the Medical School.
* "No destruction of University Road apartments for the construction of the Kennedy School."
The approximately 450 persons who attended the meeting in Lowell Lecture Hall began to march shortly before midnight from the hall to Pusey's house, chanting "ROTC must go--now," and "No expansion, smash ROTC" as they went. When they arrived at their destination they found the gates of Pusey's house closed and guarded by University policemen. The policemen had arrived about ten minutes before.
As the crowd surged against the smaller center gate, a University policeman said, "I'm going to smash your fingers if you touch that gate." Miss Jessie L. Gill, a local nurses's aide and chairman of a tenants' union in a Harvard-owned apartment building, pushed the policeman back, forced the gate open, and went onto the grounds.
The University policeman attempted to stop the crowd from coming in the central gate and the automobile gate to the north of it. Several policemen and demonstrators exchanged blows; the policemen--overpowered by the demonstrators--stepped aside to allow them to enter freely. No injuries were reported.
When the head of the crowd came to the portico at the front of the house, SDS co-chairman Michael Kazin '70 knocked on the front door, received no answer, and then tacked the six demands on the door. Two University policemen standing nearby did not interfere.
After painting several anti-ROTC slogan's on Pusey's driveway, the demonstrators departed at about 12:10 and toured the Yard and Houses to gain support for today's rally. The demonstration broke up in the Square at 1:15 a.m.
Jonathan M. Harris '68, a member of the SDS anti-war committee, began last night's meeting at 8 p.m. with a review of this year's anti-ROTC campaign. The campaign had, he said, made it clear that the "Harvard Corporation has got to keep ROTC in order to serve U.S. imperialism.
"As we go into this debate, we should be very clear that what we are facing [the Corporation] is a very ruthless enemy. Given that, I think that no one should believe that we can enter the last stages of this campaign lightly. But at the same time, it is obvious that we must carry on," he concluded.
During the nearly four hours that followed, the meeting of 400 to 450 people split into two factions.
The first supported a resolution advanced by the Worker Student Alliance within SDS, which called for immediate occupation of University Hall--"tonight, as soon as this debate ends," as one speaker put it.
The second faction backed the position of SDS's New Left Caucus which, although it also wanted to seize a building, said that the seizure should not come until later this week or next Monday. A march on Pusey's house to present the demands should precede the seizure, they said.
.
Speakers for the Worker Student Allowance Position responded that a delay would give the University time too prepare its defenses, and siphhon off potential supporters of the seizure by "raising smokescreens, setting up committees...." etc.
Though both proposals contained the three demands on ROTC, only the Worker-Student Alliance's resolution originally contained the three demands on Harvard's relations with the community. The New Left resolution later added them.
Three votes were held during the evening on the two major proposals, plus two others--for no action, and for a student strike without a seizure--which received relatively little support.
Because of the repeated votes, some New Left supporters charged that the opposing faction was manipulating the meeting by voting repeatedly until their position came into the majority. Worker-Student spokesmen replied that some of those voting did not support the campaign's goal of total abolition of Harvard ROTC.
The first "straw" vote at 10 p.m. found 140 in favor of immediate occupation of University Hall, and 180 wanting to wait a while.
During the next half hour, debate raged heavy, Kazin several times almost lost control of the microphone as would-be speakers--most of whom appeared to be supporting the Worker-Student Alliance position--grabbed for it. In front of the platform, several people chanted "Let's go now."
The second vote--which Kazin said was to have been final--came at 10:30, and found 150 supporting an immediate seizure, and 180 still backing the New Left's resolution. Kazin called for a renewal of debate to develop a unified position.
More debate ensued but the final vote an hour later found the same 140-180 split, and the meeting adjourned to Pusey's front gate
Source
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1969/4/9/300-storm-puseys-house-after-anti-rotc/?page=single%20" target="_blank">See on Harvard Crimson</a>
Title
A name given to the resource
300 Storm Pusey's House After Anti-ROTC Meeting
By WILLIAM R. GALEOTA, April 9, 1969
Harvard Crimson
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1967 Boston Response
(Includes earlier dates)
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/about/permissions/" target="_blank">The Harvard Crimson Right and Permissions </a>
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English
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Primary
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Title
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Advertisement, pg. 14
Howard Zinn talk on Vietnam
Boston Globe
Description
An account of the resource
<strong>Display Ad 6 -- No Title Boston Globe (1960-1982); Jan 7, 1967; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Boston Globe (1872-1982) pg. 14</strong> <br /><br /><br />“non-sectarian the community church of boston conservatory auditorium, 31 hemenway st. dr. howard zinn associate professor, dept. of government, bu.: former chairman. dept of history. spelman college, atlanta; advisor. student non-violent coordinating committee; author of ‘laguardia in congress,” “sncc - the new abolitionists,” and “the southern mystique.” “vietnam - the logic of immediate withdrawal” rev. donald g lothrop, minister ruth hamilton, soloist bertram f whipple, organist sunday 10:30am
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Boston Globe
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Title
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1967 Boston Response
(Includes earlier dates)
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/about/permissions/" target="_blank">The Harvard Crimson Right and Permissions </a>
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English
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Primary
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Title
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Advertisement, pg. 25
Boston Globe
January 3, 1967
Description
An account of the resource
Display Ad 23 -- No Title Boston Globe (1960-1982); Jan 3, 1967; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Boston Globe (1872-1982) pg. 25 <br /><br />shows image of us soldiers in a ditch with helicopters above them. <br />Ad for u.s savings bonds <br /><br />“buy bonds where you work. he does. he’s working in Vietnam—for freedom. and he’s supporting freedom with his dollars, too. every month he invests in u.s. savings bonds…saving up for a college education, or a home, perhaps. there’s a good way to show him you’re on his side. Buy savings bonds where you bank or join the payroll savings plan where you work. you’ll walk a bit taller. buy u.s savings bonds the use government does not pay for this advertisement. it is presented as a public service in cooperation with the treasury department and the advertising council”
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Boston Globe
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Dublin Core
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Title
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1967 Boston Response
(Includes earlier dates)
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/about/permissions/" target="_blank">The Harvard Crimson Right and Permissions </a>
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English
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Primary
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Title
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Advertisement, pg. 31
Boston Globe
January 6, 1967
Subject
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Affect on Daily Life
Description
An account of the resource
Display Ad 28 -- No Title
Boston Globe (1960-1982); Jan 6, 1967; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Boston Globe (1872-1982) pg. 31
War in Vietnam affecting businesses
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Boston Globe
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Dublin Core
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Title
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1967 Boston Response
(Includes earlier dates)
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<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/about/permissions/" target="_blank">The Harvard Crimson Right and Permissions </a>
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English
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Primary
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Amherst Cites 293 as 175 Rap Draft, pg. 8
Jean Caldwell
Boston Globe (1960-1982);
Jun 3, 1967
Subject
The topic of the resource
Draft Resistance
Description
An account of the resource
Amherst Cites 293 as 175 Rap Draft
Caldwell, Jean
Boston Globe (1960-1982); Jun 3, 1967; ProQuest Historical Newspapers: Boston Globe (1872-1982) pg. 8
“…the class had signed a petition which will be forwarded to president johnson asking that alternative service be offered to draft-age men who are opposed in conscience to fighting in Vietnam…
last year some members of the graduating class walked out when an honorary degree was awarded to defense secretary robert mcnamara.
Source
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Boston Globe
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Dublin Core
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Title
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1968 Boston Response
Dublin Core
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Title
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An Analysis of Pusey’s Report
By PARKER DONHAM, February 7, 1968
Subject
The topic of the resource
University Protests
Description
An account of the resource
<p><strong>An Analysis of Pusey’s Report</strong><br /><strong>By PARKER DONHAM, </strong><br /><strong>February 7, 1968</strong></p>
<br /><br />ON January 21, President Pusey emerged from his den in Massachusetts Hall to blast those "overeager young" student protesters "who feel they have a special calling to redeem society." Harvard students do not often hear from their President, and their reaction to this diatribe may have convinced him to resume hibernation. Harvard's era of dissaffection is far from spent, and Pusey's remarks will do little to hasten its demise. Presidential reports to the Overseers have never been a vehicle for social criticism, nor even for incisive commentary on the affairs of the University. Included, usually, are a laborious compendium of the University's financial proceedings, a superficial rundown of activities in the college and the various graduate schools--with particular attention given to social clubs and athletic teams--and an obituary column for University notables. They have been dull, unenlightening, but most of all, uncontroversial. Pusey's departure from this traditional Cream of Wheat diet has been the source of considerable criticism. The President's office complains that his remarks were taken out of context and distorted by the press. They correctly note that he referred to only a small minority of students, and that his remarks were not limited to activism at Harvard alone. It is true that press accounts of the report, including the CRIMSON's, have centered mostly on his vilification of violent protesters. But Pusey is not naive in dealing with the press and he certainly knew that such rhetorical flourishes as "Walter Mitties of the left" would inspire headlines. Students who take the time to read the entire report will find they learn as much about Pusey from his description of what is right about Harvard students as from his more widely circulated commentary about what is wrong with some of them. "The vast majority of Harvard undergraduates went about their essential business seriously and gaily," Pusey says, thereby creating "an extraordinarily vibrant community life." Exhibiting his fondness for numbers, he goes on to note that 800 students performed in various plays, that 2000 undergraduates earned $826,000 in term-time employment, that 1000 participated in service programs, that 60 ("three score") seniors won honorary fellowships, and 69 per cent graduated with honors. He devotes considerable attention to the academic achievement of Harvard athletes (seventy-nine lettermen received honors; eight team captains received cum laude degrees and four got magnas). Not a single undergraduate publication was mentioned. Not a single political group was mentioned. The Association of African and Afro-American Students was not mentioned. The Harvard Undergraduate Council was not mentioned. The Student Faculty Advisory Council was not mentioned. The Harvard Policy Committee was dismissed with a single sentence. The re-examination of goals at Phillips Brooks House was not mentioned. These errors of omission are significant, for the picture which emerges is of Harvard in a bygone era. The typical undergraduate, in Pusey's view, studies hard, admires scholar-athletes, dabbles in dramatics and noblesse-oblige service projects, and earns a lot of money. "These students, as all people in our society, hold various opinions about the war and other of our present difficulties, but on the record the bright, avidly questioning, lively undergraduates of the past year were very far from being an alienated, disaffected or drop-out generation." THE problem with the President's Report lies not in any failure to distinguish acceptable from unacceptable protest, nor even so much in his untimely vituperation against the activist element. It lies in Pusey's blindness to the magnitude of disaffection at Harvard. Like the author of another recent "annual report," Pusey senses a certain restlessness--but his faith in the loyalty and middle-of-the-road acquiescence of all but a handful of his students remain unshaken. When he undertook to insult students who believe American society is rotten and are in need of redemption, Pusey did not realize how many students see themselves as fitting this description. Ninety-four per cent of the senior class opposes the war, according to the recent CRIMSON Poll, and nearly a quarter stand ready to defy the laws of their country in protest of that war. Three hundred students took part in the Dow protest, and additional hundreds turned in cards to support that action. In short, there is more to disaffection at Harvard than the gentle turbulence caused by the forward motion of this mighty educational frigate. PERHAPS the scariest aspect of President Pusey's commentary was his assertion that it is the job of the deans to straighten all this out. "Bringing students of this persuasion back to reality presents a new kind of challenge to education, to faculty certainly, but especially and with painful immediacy, perhaps to deans." With all due respect, the prospect of marching bravely to the new world, in a column headed by Messrs. Ford, Glimp and Watson, is not overly appetizing to most Harvard students. One suspects that the Deans, too, would find it unappealing. Asked why Pusey had used the report to attack student activist, one high college official shook his head and answered, "I don't know. It certainly seemed excessive to me." Indeed, this is the question that everyone was asking about the report, and no one seemed able to answer: why did he do it? All indications are that the answer is not money. The number of alumni who wrote after the Dow protest that they were halting contributions was negligible. Most such letters, reportedly, came from men who had seldom, if ever, given to the College. The twenty-fifth reunion drive is said to be heading toward another record year. Moreover, whatever may be said of President Pusey, his actions in the past do not seem to have been motivated by financial considerations. His fight against the NDEA disclaimer oath didn't ease the University's financial problems. Perhaps the most frequently voiced explanation for the report is that Pusey is simply out of touch with the undergraduate population. Those students who found his remarks gratuitous were doubly upset because they so rarely hear from Pusey in any context. A GLANCE at the President's report will reveal the major cause of this shortcoming. Running Harvard University is a gigantic task. In the last ten years, Harvard's budget has tripled to $150 million. There were 14,779 students enrolled in the University last year, not counting 4840 in the summer school and 5469 in various extension courses. The number of corporation appointees was 6788, up from 3496 a decade ago. This administrative burden leaves the President with relatively little time to devote to the College, even less to college students. Despite all these considerations, however, the College remains the center of the University, and students are what the College is all about. The depth of misperception shown in Pusey's remarks reveal a need for re-ordering priorities at Massachusetts Hall. The President could greatly expand his contact with undergraduates by eating one lunch and one dinner per week in a College dining hall. Moreover, he could seize the initiative for student contact at appropriate times. For example, when SDS challenged him to debate University complicity in the Vietnam War, Pusey apparently looked upon this as an affront to the dignity of his office. Had he instead accepted the challenge as an opportunity for valuable exchange of views, both he and the students might have gained some useful understanding of each other. SUCH communication is made all the more vital, by virtue of the perplexing image which President Pusey projects to students. Over and over again we are told that he is an idealist, a man of great devotion to principle. It was Pusey's backing, we are told, which allowed Provost Buck to stand up to McCarthyism at a time when other Universities faltered. He waged a fight against the NDEA disclaimer oath which was dangerous and costly to the University. At the time of the Dow demonstration, he vigorously denounced interference with individual freedom of movement. The President's own record, however, simply does not square with these lofty ideals. Most students do not remember his refusal to allow non-Christian services in Memorial Church, or even his quickly reversed decision to outlaw a student council sponsored Pete Seeger concert. But more recent actions do stick in the minds of many students. The University scoffed at suggestions that morality should enter into its financial planning when student civil-rights advocates suggested it divest itself of Mississippi Power and Light Co. stock. The University failed to stand up against the Massachusetts teachers' loyalty oath, and fired Samuel Bowles, professor of Economics, when he declined to sign it. Bowles was then forced to go to the expense of enjoining the University's action, until a parallel case involving an M.I.T. professor was settled. Most recently, the President's office arbitrarily banned educational television at a Vietnam Teach-in. THERE is no purpose to be served by beating these departed dobbins, except to point out that in the minds of many undergraduates, Pusey's devotion to civil liberties is erratic at best. Commenting on the report to the Overseers one Faculty member observed, "If 500 students had gone down to Yale this fall and started a riot in which property was damaged and people were arrested, Pusey wouldn't have given a damn. Oh, he might have had some pablum for the press, but he wouldn't have cared about it." This man's view is shared by an ever increasing number of undergraduates: Pusey gets angry--and he was very angry at the Dow demonstration--only when his own peculiar sense of social order is upset. Football riots, a common enough occurrence during the President's undergraduate career, do not upset this order, and would never be belabored in an annual report. Impolite demonstrations against large corporations do. It is just this devotion to conserving a liberal order which student activists find increasingly infuriating. In the name of neutrality, Harvard lends de facto support to the instruments of establishment, simply because they are established. And this, the activists realistically point out, is no kind of neutrality at all. FIVE years ago, the Dow and McNamara protests would have been unthinkable. But in the intervening years, not only has the war gotten worse, but the tone of undergraduate life has changed. Students arrive here with far more sophisticated awareness of sex, drugs, and student activism. Far more than any who came before them, they are questioning the old order. They are not only agonized by the War in Vietnam and by the country's refusal to face the triple crisis of poverty, race, and urban life. They believe morality must be injected into the system somewhere, and they think the University is a logical place to start. And so they are frustrated to find Harvard motivated by such expedients as politeness and fear of unfavorable publicity. It is ironic that President Pusey, who undoubtedly takes sincere pride in his own commitment to moral principles, should be attacked on these grounds. It is also a revealing testimony as to how badly his communication with students has deteriorated
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
<a href="http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1968/2/7/an-analysis-of-puseys-report-pbobn/" target="_blank">An Analysis of Pusey’s Report</a>